The rise of progressive Technocrats
Why do we call extreme advocates of centralisation moderates and proponents of greater self-determination extremists?
Have you noticed that political actors posing in the middle ground tend to favour more regime change wars, surveillance, censorship, top-down social engineering and biotechnical tyranny, while opposition to these policies comes from activists labelled far-left or far-right? That’s because the politicians that the mainstream media call moderate serve the interests of large global corporations, while their opponents want to redress the balance of power to compact nation states, local communities or trade unions accountable to their members. The radical left and patriotic right may differ on religion, traditional family values, public ownership and immigration controls, but they both oppose the transfer of more power to the global military, biotech and banking industrial complex. Progressive politicians appeal most to the affluent professional classes, while the lower classes of all ethnic backgrounds are now more likely to rebel against global centralisers. Nowhere is this divide clearer than in France. Macron has lost his earlier appeal as a liberal antifascist who could win over trendy young professionals. Alas Macron’s administration has always sided with the interests of big corporations over those of the French rural and urban working classes. One minute he accuses the patriotic right of xenophobia, the next he supports bombing mainly brown people to assert the hegemony of Western bankers. One minute he champions LGBTQ+ rights in the name of bodily freedom, the next he wants to isolate jab refuseniks. Macron once courted the Muslim vote with his pro-migration stance, but on most social issues French Muslims are closer to Le Pen than either Macron or Mélanchon of the green-left La France Insoumise grouping.
Meanwhile, the British establishment wants to install Sir Keir Starmer as the next Prime Minister. The Labour Left hate him because he supports the Israeli and Ukrainian regimes, wants to keep nuclear weapons, boost military spending and build more prisons. Social conservatives hate him because he favours open-door immigration, tried to stop Brexit, struggles to define a woman, wanted to lock down harder and panders to climate alarmism. On the left Starmer faces challenges from George Galloway’s Workers’ Party and independents like former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn or deselected candidate Faiza Shaheen. On the populist right, the BBC’s favourite Trilateral Commission member may lose votes to Nigel Farage’s Reform UK grouping and a few other independent candidates like Andrew Bridgen, expelled from the Conservative Party for daring to challenge the safe-and-effective covid jab narrative. Labour may well have scuppered its hopes of winning back hearts and minds among its traditional Northern working-class base. At best Labour can appeal to condescending groupthink on our NHS and mental healthcare with only vague talk of creating new green jobs to replace the country’s shrunken manufacturing base. They’ve certainly invested heavily in social media advertising. One of their Scottish ads on Youtube portrays a nurse preparing an injection for an elderly lady. I doubt this will win over many undecided voters. The ad foreshadows the kind of future Sir Keir’s handlers have in mind for the humble little people, one of complete dependence on the nanny state.
Owing to the dynamics of politics within the first-past-the-post electoral system and a mainstream media that sidelines outsiders, Labour still seem set to win a sweeping majority of seats as the Tory vote collapses and others parties fail to fill void. They may well gain over 200 seats with as little as 30% of the vote in some constituencies. In Scotland the SNP stand to lose the most seats. The only question is: who will be the official opposition? With nothing left to lose many traditional conservative voters may switch to Reform in the English provinces, while in some metropolitan areas with large Muslim communities Labour may lose to anti-war candidates.
Statistically in Western Europe, the richer you are the more likely you are to believe the greatest challenges of our times are climate change, infectious diseases, transphobia and misinformation as defined by official fact-checkers. You only need to listen speeches by the likes of Ursula von der Leyen or Tony Blair himself to understand these narratives come from the very top. The commonfolk on the ground do not want to shut down farms to reduce carbon emissions or eradicate bird flu. They don’t want their children exposed to drag queen story time and gender ideology. They just want children to be children, girls to be girls and boys to be boys. There is nothing hateful or extreme about such attitudes, just as there is nothing immoral about pride in your cultural heritage. Yet in our perverse upside-down world, free speech advocates are called fascists and anyone who doubts the official narrative is smeared as a loony leftie or right-wing conspiracy theorist.